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By Seyla Benhabib

The international pattern towards democratization of the final 20 years has been followed by way of the resurgence of varied politics of "identity/difference." From nationalist and ethnic revivals within the nations of east and valuable Europe to the previous Soviet Union, to the politics of cultural separatism in Canada, and to social circulate politics in liberal western-democracies, the negotiation of identity/difference has develop into a problem to democracies far and wide. This quantity brings jointly a gaggle of special thinkers who rearticulate and think again the principles of democratic thought and perform within the mild of the politics of identity/difference.

In half One Jürgen Habermas, Sheldon S. Wolin, Jane Mansbridge, Seyla Benhabib, Joshua Cohen, and Iris Marion younger write on democratic idea. half Two--on equality, distinction, and public representation--contains essays through Anne Phillips, Will Kymlicka, Carol C. Gould, Jean L. Cohen, and Nancy Fraser; and half Three--on tradition, id, and democracy--by Chantal Mouffe, Bonnie Honig, Fred Dallmayr, Joan B. Landes, and Carlos A. Forment. within the final part Richard Rorty, Robert A. Dahl, Amy Gutmann, and Benjamin R. Barber write on no matter if democracy wishes philosophical foundations.

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Extra resources for Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political

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Habermas and the Public Sphere, 123. 41. James c. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden TranSCripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990). 42. See Bonnie Honig, Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), esp. chap. " Honig argues that "every politics has its remainders," or competing possibilities that are "produced by the process of division itself' but are often successfully suppressed by that process (3, 15, and 213, n. I).

29 If coercion is legitimated only by equal power in the decision to coerce, and if no real democracy can achieve equal power, then no real democracy-especially no real large-scale democracycan ever fully justify the coercion it exercises. In short, none of the criteria for legitimatIng coercion-whether based on assessments of hypothetical consent, the substantive justice of outcomes, the freedom from coercion or closeness to agreement of the deliberative process that resulted in a decision to coerce, or the equal power that participants exercise in the decision process-can produce in cases of ongoing disagreement an incontestably legitimate result.

IS Second, we might legitimate coercion primarily or only through an appeal to substantive justice. , one would argue that the institution of private property rights benefits the greatest number, deviates from equality only in benefiting the least advantaged, or even conforms to the criteria for justice embedded in a local situation or community). One would then judge how necessary coercion was as a means to accomplishing that just end. In this approach, anyone seeking to use coercion would have to identify some plausible conception of the right or the good by which to defend what they propose.

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